The day Malcolm X was banned from entering France

On February 9, 1965, Malcolm X, an iconic figure of Black Power, was turned back at the French border. Officially for a “risk of disturbing public order.” Unofficially, because his Black, free, and pan-African voice was unsettling. A look back at an act of erasure orchestrated in the shadows, at the crossroads of state racism, the Cold War, and anti-colonial struggles.


A man turned away, a nation disturbed

On February 9, 1965, Roissy Airport did not yet resemble a global hub. But that day, a man was about to land who, by himself, embodied a revolution. His name was Malcolm X.

Black man. American. Muslim. Former inmate turned brilliant orator. Former member of the Nation of Islam, now a free-thinking pan-Africanist. He was coming to Paris to deliver a lecture on Black emancipation, at the invitation of a collective of African students. But he would never pass through the gates of the capital.

Upon arrival, he was detained by border police, questioned, and then expelled without clear explanation. Official reason? No immediate statement. Unofficial reason? He represented a potential threat to “public order.” The reality, more complex, lay hidden within the folds of a France still deeply marked by the convulsions of its own colonial history.

That day, the Republic was afraid. Afraid of a man who disrupted dominant narratives, who connected the cause of Black Americans to that of Africans and Caribbean people, and who shook the myth of a France blind to race.

It did not fear a bomb. It feared a voice.

Malcolm X’s expulsion was not a simple diplomatic incident. It was a political act, a clear signal sent to the Black diaspora: there would be no authorized convergence between Afro-American struggles and African or Caribbean movements.
Not on French soil. Not under that flag.

Twelve days later, Malcolm X would be assassinated in Harlem. France, meanwhile, remained silent. Not a word. No recognition. And yet, this act of prohibition says it all: it reveals what the Republic has always feared — the awakening of Black consciousness, united beyond borders.


WHO WAS MALCOLM X IN 1965?

At the moment France prevented him from entering its territory, Malcolm X was no longer the man America believed it knew. He was no longer the uncompromising spokesperson of the Nation of Islam, nor the activist caricatured by the media as a “Black racist” anti-white figure. He was in the midst of a transformation — political, spiritual, geopolitical.

The year 1964 marked a turning point. He publicly broke with Elijah Muhammad and the dogmas of the Nation of Islam. From then on, he identified as a Sunni Muslim, but above all as a Black internationalist. His pilgrimage to Mecca (hajj) transformed him: he discovered a universal Islam, a brotherhood that transcended skin color. Upon his return, he adopted a new name: El-Hajj Malik El-Shabazz. But in struggle, he remained Malcolm X.

This new Malcolm traveled. He refused to confine himself to the American racial question. He understood that the oppression of Black people in the United States was not an isolated fact, but the reflection of a global imperial structure. He traveled across Africa: Ghana, Egypt, Nigeria, Algeria. He met Kwame Nkrumah, Gamal Abdel Nasser, Ahmed Ben Bella — newly independent African heads of state with whom he shared pan-African hopes.

His objective: unite the Black diaspora (Afro-Americans, Africans, Caribbeans) in a common struggle against racism, colonialism, and capitalist exploitation. In his view, the solution would not come solely from civil rights laws or a change of American president. It would come from a global realignment of oppressed peoples, from a common Afro-Asian front.

He founded the Organization of Afro-American Unity (OAAU), modeled on the Organization of African Unity (OAU). It was a non-violent political weapon, but a strategically formidable one. It aimed to bring the American Black question before the United Nations, linking it to anti-colonial struggles.

It was this Malcolm that France wanted to silence. Not the provocative preacher of Harlem. But Malcolm the diplomat, strategist, pan-Africanist, global revolutionary.

He was not coming to Paris to provoke. He was coming to extend a hand to Francophone Africa, to strengthen ties between African students in France, Caribbean activists, and Afro-descendants worldwide. He was coming to weave a web. And that web, the French state — still entangled in its colonial wounds — did not want to take shape on its territory.


WHY WAS HE COMING TO PARIS?

Malcolm X’s trip to Paris, scheduled for February 9, 1965, was no tourist detour. It followed the official invitation of the Union of African Students in France (UEAF), a pan-African group active in anti-colonial circles and deeply rooted in the Latin Quarter.

The planned event: a public lecture at the Salle de la Mutualité, a major venue for political and activist speech in Paris. Announced theme: the unity of Black peoples in the face of imperialism.

This meeting was far from trivial.

In 1965, post-colonial France was still in turmoil. The political independence of its former African colonies was recent (1960), but French economic and military oversight remained. In African workers’ hostels, university lecture halls, and student unions, anger simmered. Engagement against colonial wars in Algeria or Cameroon had left scars. And now, eyes were turning toward the United States and its Black struggle figures.

Inviting Malcolm X to Paris meant breaking the intellectual isolation of the Francophone African diaspora. It also meant building a symbolic and political bridge between Afro-American struggles and postcolonial battles. Antilleans, Réunion Islanders, Senegalese, Guineans, Cameroonians — all those living in France yet marked by imperial history — saw in him a beacon, a voice finally speaking their language of anger.

The conference was also meant to mark a strategic turning point in global Black unity. The idea of Black Internationalism was taking concrete form. Malcolm X wanted to internationalize the Black cause in Europe, as he had in Africa and the Middle East. France was to be one of the first steps in this global strategy, just before his planned return to the United States.

But what was meant to be a historic moment turned into muffled silence.

Upon disembarking, Malcolm X was detained by border police, prevented from speaking, and placed on the next plane to London. The conference was canceled. The hope of symbolic rapprochement between Francophone African youth and the American Black leader was brutally shattered.

It was not only a man who was prevented from entering: it was a voice, a connection, a global Black consciousness that was refused the chance to take root on French soil.


A BAN ALREADY PREPARED

Malcolm X was not turned away by chance. His expulsion was not the result of a simple administrative misunderstanding. It was planned, decided, executed in the shadows, long before he set foot on the Roissy tarmac.

From the early 1960s, French domestic intelligence services (DST, RG) closely monitored pan-African movements, African student unions, and anti-colonial networks. The UEAF, organizer of the conference, was known for its critical stance toward Françafrique. It was therefore under surveillance. When it announced the official invitation of Malcolm X, the alert was immediately transmitted to the highest levels of the state.

At the same time, American agencies — the FBI and the CIA — had long placed Malcolm X under close watch. His break with the Nation of Islam and his desire to bring the American racial question before the UN worried Washington. He was no longer merely a community orator; he was becoming a non-aligned diplomat, a geopolitical destabilizing factor in a bipolar world at the height of the Cold War.

American authorities alerted their European counterparts, notably French and British. Declassified FBI and CIA documents show that Malcolm X was subject to tight transatlantic surveillance, with exchanges of information about his travels, contacts, and speeches.

The French Ministry of the Interior, then led by Roger Frey, quickly made the decision: denial of entry for “risk of disturbing public order.” This vague formula, commonly used at the time for “dangerous militants,” allowed authorities to justify expulsion without providing concrete reasons. A confidential note was sent to the Paris police prefecture and the border police at Roissy. Everything was ready — even before he boarded the plane.

The most troubling aspect? Malcolm X had not been warned. His American passport was valid. He had traveled freely in Africa, the Middle East, and even the United Kingdom. He was not on any public blacklist of undesirables. France had anticipated his arrival in order to silence him.

This is what historical investigations — notably by Dominique Rousset, based on declassified archives — have revealed. They show a France anxious not to offend its American ally, but above all fearful that its Black youth — African, Caribbean, French — might resonate with the fire of Black Power.

Behind the republican façade lay immense fear: that Malcolm’s words would spark a proud, organized, radical Black consciousness on the territory of the former colonial empire.


THE SHOCK AT THE AIRPORT

On February 9, 1965, Malcolm X landed at Roissy, alone, tired but determined. He believed he would honor an official invitation, speak before a room of young Africans, build a bridge between struggles. What he did not know was that France had already decided to silence him.

As soon as he passed passport control, he was detained by border police officers. He was asked to wait. He did not understand. He presented his papers, explained his visit. He was neither undocumented nor convicted. He was an American citizen traveling freely with a valid passport.

But the verdict fell without trial. He would not be allowed to enter. The order came “from above.” Authorities gave him no clear justification. The conference? Canceled. The students? Informed too late. Malcolm X calmly told the press present:

“I am more shocked than surprised. Oppression, even when it hides behind laws, remains oppression.”

He was escorted onto the first plane to London. In a matter of hours, his passage on French soil was erased. No official photograph. No welcome. No debate. Only police silence and refusal.

The next day’s French press treated the matter discreetly. A few briefs, ambiguous headlines: “American Black leader turned back at Roissy,” “Trouble avoided?” No major newspaper questioned the legitimacy of the expulsion. No editorial pondered its political meaning. The Republic had muzzled — without explanation. And media silence completed the censorship.

Among activists, however, anger rose. The UEAF denounced an authoritarian measure, a “serious attack on freedom of expression and the right to political asylum.”

In African student residences, in Caribbean circles, in certain sections of the Communist Party or the PSU, it was understood that this denial of entry was more than a diplomatic matter. It was a signal.

A signal addressed to all those on French territory who sought to connect the American Black question to the colonial memories of the French empire. A signal that said:

“This voice is not welcome here. Not on our soil. Not in our universities.”

Yet, as often in the history of censorship, the refusal had the opposite effect: it sanctified the forbidden voice. In the weeks that followed, leaflets circulated. Recordings of Malcolm X’s speeches were exchanged under the table. And twelve days later, when he was assassinated in Harlem, the news hit like a bomb among the very Black youth France had sought to prevent from listening.


A REFLECTION OF STATE RACISM IN FRANCE?

The ban imposed on Malcolm X cannot be understood without delving into the political psyche of 1960s France: a country officially “decolonized,” yet deeply haunted by empire. A Republic that proclaimed itself “color-blind,” yet could not tolerate race being discussed too loudly — especially by a Black man who was free.

By refusing Malcolm X, France was not confronting a violent man, but a man whose words threatened its ideological foundations. Malcolm did not come to preach hatred. He came to ask a simple and disturbing question:

How can a Republic be universal if it denies the Black experience?

In this sense, his expulsion is the brutal mirror of state racism, masked behind polite expressions: “disturbance of public order,” “preventive administrative measure,” “diplomatic reason.” No term speaks of race, yet the entire act is motivated by it.

This racism was not only structural; it was strategic. It expressed itself in a series of acts which, taken together, reveal a logic of excluding political, critical, autonomous Black voices.

In the 1960s:

FLN activists were hunted in Paris, some thrown into the Seine during demonstrations.
Caribbean writers denouncing departmentalization were marginalized.
African intellectuals were surveilled, infiltrated, sometimes expelled.
Senegalese tirailleurs lived in dilapidated hostels, without recognition, without pensions.

In this context, radical Black speech was systematically disqualified. Too subversive. Too communal. Too foreign to republican universalism. Yet it was precisely this speech that Malcolm X carried — rooted in history, connected to Global South struggles, capable of awakening those the Republic preferred to forget.

Focus – Universalism in Question:
France has always defined itself as “indivisible” and “color-blind.” But this posture prevents it from addressing the lived realities of Black people on its territory. The Republic does not see Black people… until they speak too loudly.

By banning Malcolm X, France was not merely protecting public order — it was protecting its narrative about itself. It did not want anyone to say that racism was systemic. That colonization was not over. That color still produced hierarchies.

And above all, it feared resonance. For Malcolm X did not come that day to divide. He came to connect. And that is what the state feared most: the emergence of a collective, transnational, critical, upright Black consciousness.


SOURCES / BIBLIOGRAPHY

Malcolm X: A Life of Reinvention, by Manning Marable (2011)
FBI (FOIA) and CIA archives on Malcolm X


Summary

A Man Turned Away, A Nation Disturbed
WHO WAS MALCOLM X IN 1965?
WHY WAS HE COMING TO PARIS?
A BAN ALREADY PREPARED
THE SHOCK AT THE AIRPORT
A REFLECTION OF STATE RACISM IN FRANCE?
SOURCES / BIBLIOGRAPHY

Charlotte Dikamona
Charlotte Dikamona
In love with her skin cultures

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